Brief

Briefing

MICHAEL RICONOSCIUTO: The Math/Science Wizard Who Said TOO Much, Part 1

, Michael Riconosciuto (pronounced Riconoshooto), has been called a lying conspiracy theorist, and though he was a child prodigy and often praised as a scientific and computer wizard, ,he is now said to lack skills in both areas. Some of his claims seem outrageous: the Justice Department stole a marvelous software from a private company; the CIA has dealt in drugs, and the Reagan administration broke the law by supplying weapons to the Nicaraguan Contras. He also talks about a strange Indian reservation and numerous experiences no single person was likely to have. Occasionally he takes the legitimate knowledge he has to reach erroneous conclusions. His father was friend of one president and his business partner was an intimate of another, so he may have been inclined to believe that all is not as it appears. Nevertheless, a close examination of his main claims could lead to the conclusion that his claims are mainly on target.

Michael Riconosciuto was a child prodigy and scientific genius who was recruited by the CIA and spent years in successful black operations research. When he was ten years old, he wired his parents’ neighborhood with a working telephone system. In the eighth grade, he created a three dimensional sonar system. As a teenager he won many science fair competitions with laser technology and was invited to do summer research at Stanford. He was involved with his father , Marshall Riconosciuto, in Hercules Research Corporation and developed various electronic devices including an acclaimed power cell. When his father operated a local Hercules Power Company Plant, owned by Dupont, Michael assisted him. His father had been a friend of Richard M. Nixon.

Marshall was also close to W. Patrick Moriarty, the safe fireworks king, who played a key role in Nixon’s kitchen cabinet. Moriarty would eventually go to prison in 1985 on mail fraud counts connected with the failure of his Bank of Irvine. In the process he admitted to bribing many California politicians, and he named some of them. Marshall was allegedly an admirer of Hitler and clearly was a friend of Fred L. Crisman, who helped G-2 agents acquire samples from an alleged crash of 6 UFOs at Maury Island in 1947. They were probably from some US. Experimental craft. Marshall was also a close friend of Clay Shaw and was involved in defending Shaw when Jim Garrison tried to associate him with the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Crisman was questioned by Garrison because some thought he was one of the three tramps picked up after Kennedy was shot.

Investigator James Rothstein, a former New York detective, interviewed Michael Riconosciuto and found that the intelligence people began using him as a “chicken” for sexual purposes to entrap people since he was 13. Michael did not quite admit this to Rothstein, but the investigator found many bits of information that pointed in this direction, including the fact that Michael was sometimes taken to New York City. How likely could this be? Rothstein has been involved in similar cases and may be too anxious to find what he believed were “signs” of abuse. On the other hand, there is a possibility that Rothstein is correct as the author has found, strange as it seems, that some parents—especially members of the conservative elite-- actually find this sort of exposure desirable for their children.

As a young fellow, At that time Michael was manufacturing drugs and once built an under the water lab in Seattle to avoid police detection. He appears to have done a great deal of scientific free-lancing work, including development of modem accessing and error trapping software for Tyme Share, Inc. Charles Emmert, a pal of both Pat Moriarty and Michael’s father, claimed that Mike lived with Janis Joplin for a period and that he was also a cooked amphetamines for the Hells Angels. Emmert added that Michael once shot down an RCA satellite in Mozambique when he was angry with the corporation. According to Emmert, Riconosciuto hung around the Stanford Research Institute wad knew everyone there. For a time, Mike and a fellow named “Victor” ran a teenage prostitute ring to service LA cops.

Before entering Cal Tech, he was recruited for the CIA at age 17. Michael studied physics under Arthur Shallo, inventor of the laser and a Nobel Prize winner. By most accounts he worked for the agency for about 25 years At age 16 or 17, Michael was recruited for the CIA by Al Holbert, a Mossad agent who was connected with federally sanctioned methamphetamine operations in Madera and Mariposa counties. This would have been in 1966. Holbert was allegedly involved in the California drug trade, probably in partnership with CIA people. Michael said learned that Al was also a Soviet agent and he severed his ties with Hobart . In time. Michael became Director of Research for a Wackenhut operation in the California desert. Wackenhut provides security at sensitive military bases, and is filled with former CIA and NSA people. Some say Wackenhut is the “CIA’s CIA.” CIA Director Bill Casey had once been its outside counsel. Wackenhut had a number of joint ventures with the Cabazon Indians, whose reservation was an ideal site for its operations because the tribe has some of the benefits of sovereignty. This nation , had less than thirty members, but numerous companies were located there-- almost all of them fronts for covert operations. In some ways, the alliance with this small nation gave Wackenhut and the intelligence community the advantage of having a small country located on Interstate 10, in the middle of California. Wackenhut, of course, had very close ties to the CIA and has a number of former CIA people in high positions. The CIA used other sovereign Indian reservations for money laundering and drug and gun running. Michael was involved in these activities, particularly laundering the money from these illicit transactions. He told a reporter that gold mesh filters made by Wirecroft Products are often used as currency by intelligence operatives.

Posted by Sherman De Brosse

MICHAEL RICONOSCIUTO: The Math/Science Wizard Who Said TOO Much, Part 2

Among the other tribes that provided bases for covert operations were Minominee of Minnesota , Arizona's Papago reservations, and the Jicarilla Reservation in Dulce New Mexico The Cabazon, as a minority, had the ability to front and receive government contracts. The Indians appeared to be under control of CIA veteran and mobster “Dr.” John Phillip Nichols ( 1924-2001), who operated a casino with them. His son Mark worked with him and eventually took over control of the reservation upon his father’s death. Journalist Virginia McCullough insists the Nichols family had mob connections.

Riconscuito’s operation on the reservation included weapons development and testing. The Indians manufactured night vision glasses , laser-sighted assault weapons, 9 mm machine pistols, 120mm combustible cartridge cases, 9mm machine pistols, , sniper rifles, portable rocket systems, and biological weapons for the Contras. Riconscuito worked on a new, high tech machine gun for use in Central America. Robert Booth Nichols, no relation to the other two, headed Meridian International Logistics (M.I.L.), a California-based company that conducted extensive business in Australia and Japan. M.I.L. also controlled Meridian Arms Corporation of which Riconosciuto was briefly Vice President. These joint projects were also tied to the government=s efforts to assist the Contras in Nicaragua, and it have been suggested that some of the profits from the sale of PROMIS software, which was enhanced there, were used to finance the Nicaraguan Contras. highly implausible. He also claimed that the US had developed a gene-specific biological weapons that attacked people with certain DNA. Eight years after he made this claim, evidence turned up that such a weapon existed.

Robert Booth Nichols, a CIA agent who headed Meridian International Logistics, was a business partner of Riconosciuto and associated with him for about twenty years. Bob Nichols was not related to Dr. Nichols. Their relationship probably began in 1967 when Michael was sent to Lebanon as part of a drug sting operation. Nichols was also tied to Music Corporation of America. He testified that Riconosciuto was frequently in contact with Admiral Bobby Inman, who was at different times head of the National Security Administration and Assistant Director of the CIA. According to Bobbie, Michael’s wife, Bob Nichols was a long-time friend of Bill Hamilton, the ex-NSA man from whom Justice stole the PROMIS software. This tie probably had something to do with Michael’s eventual decision to help Hamilton seek redress in the federal courts. However, his critics say he knew nothing about the Hamiltons until 1990, when a Lyndon La Rouche follower introduced him to them.

Michael and Nichols began to fall out in the eighties over Booth’s insistence that they take embargoed cargo to Australia in 1984 for further development to fill a large contract for FIDCO, a NSA cutout. . Michael had accompanied Nichols to the secret facility at Alice Springs in Australia, which was a “city of sorts” with very sophisticated labs, but he was troubled that it was privately owned rather than a US government asset. He thought moving the manufacturing to Australia placed him in danger of being terminated. This must be a reference to the top secret Pin Gap facility, jointly operated by Australia and the CIA. His reference to it being privately owned is curious.

The other problem was the Lockerbie crash of Pan Am 103 in 1988. Nichols and Riconscuito knew that a bomb was likely to be planted on that flight, and Nichols promised Mike that he would get Major Charles McKee to cancel the reservations for his team. They had come upon evidence that suggested a rogue drug operation involving some CIA people and perhaps DEA agents. Mike was furious when he learned that his friends had been on that flight.

Earlier, in the 1960s, he spent some time in Lebanon working on communications equipment and involved in some way in either a drug bust or drug selling scheme. It is likely that he was also involved in CIA, Wackenhut, Mossad drug activities in California.

Michael has been credited with developing several highly effective explosives. One was a sort of super bomb in which chemicals in a gaseous cloud were blown into the air and infused by means of a rocket carried wire with a large electronic charge and then detonated (Multiple Explosives Transitional Container). The resulting fuel-air mix produced something almost as powerful as a small nuclear explosion. He was also involved in another sub-atomic weapon called “blue lightening.” The latter leaves a residue of Tritium, which some claim was found at the Oklahoma City site. When Riconosciuto was brought before a special federal Grand jury investigating federal corruption in Chicago, retired Judge Nicholas J. Bau forbade any mention of “blue lightening ” and made prejudicial comments about Riconosciuto.

While working at the reservation and other places, he became involved in many intelligence activities. He developed advanced weapons for the Nicaraguan Contras and met some of their leaders. He spent much time on developing communications and encryption equipment for the intelligence community. He developed chemical warfare weapons and improved night vision goggles. At Lear in Nevada, he learned technology of enhanced fuel-air explosive weapons and did some work in that area along with Gerald Bull of Space Research Corporation. Bull also developed the “Giant Gun” of Saddam Hussein which an Israeli Mossad team took out before our first war with Iraq. Bull was eliminated by a Mossad-CIA operation. Michael managed to save enough Wackenhut correspondence to prove his expertise in weapons making, even though the company has said he was just a “hanger on.”

Riconosciuto had developed considerable expertise laundering money, and he told House Judiciary Committee investigators that he was involved in routing the $40,000, 000 down payment to Iranian leaders as part of the GOP’s deal to have them hold 52 hostages until after the US election of 1980 was over. Allegedly, Maurice Stans produced the money that was routed to the Iranians through a Mexican bank. There is no longer any question about the deal or the $40,000,000 down payment, but Michael’s involvement cannot be independently established.

The reservation was a favorite visiting shot for Saudi sheiks, mob leaders, politicians, military officers, and foreign intelligence people. Two important visitors were Dr. Earl Brian, a businessman with long CIA ties and Peter Videnieks, a Customs lawyer on loan to Justice who Michael said managed the Department a software system. Brian was said to have had many transactions through BCCI and banks in Switzerland and the Cayman Islands. According to both Mike and Bob Nichols, Videnieks was involved with them and Dr. Earl Brian in Hadron Corporation, which tried to buy Inslaw, producer of PROMIS software. Hadron also manufactured lasers. Nicaraguan Contra leaders visited it because weapons were being manufactured there for their use.

One Indian leader, Fred Alvarez, who raised questions about tribal profits going into foreign banks was executed along with two companions in 1981. Alvarez had been involved in the various black operations that centered there, including some involvement in the October Surprise of 1980. They also objected to use of the reservation to manufacture biological weapons. Michael also claimed that in conjunction with Park-O-Meter Corp., he developed biological and chemical weapons.

A security guard admitted to being the bagman who paid three former Green Berets who came in from Chicago for the hit. After making a taped interview, he disappeared. Barbara Walters reported the incident on 20/20 and raised the possibility that this was a CIA action These joint projects were also tied to the government=s efforts to assist the Contras in Nicaragua, and it has been suggested that some of the profits from the sale of PROMIS software were used to finance the Contras. . The Alvarez murder remained unsolved for 31 years before Dr. Nichols was convicted of engineering the three murders.

Riconcuito claimed that Alvarez was concerned with some aspect of the October Surprise operation and wrote directly to Ronald Reagan to express his concerns. Eventually, Jimmy Hughes, the bagman who paid for the murders was caught and testified in a Riverside Court. He subsequently relocated in Guatemala, and Anson Ng, a stringer for the Financial Times,.was murdered in Guatemala City on his way to interview Hughes. Ng was also looking into the corrupt bank BCCI as well as corruption in Guatemala. He was killed with one bullet to the head and his head was propped up with two pillows to reduce external bleeding and delay the discover of the crime. Officials said he was a victim or ordinary crime, but Senator Alan Cranston told the Senate it looked like a professional hit. Paul Morasca, who shared a San Francisco Condo with Michael, also worked on the reservation and began to oppose some activities there that he thought were illegal. He was murdered in 1982. In 1992, Larry Guerrin was killed in the State of Washington while gathering information on PROMIS for Riconosciuto. Alan Michael May, a onetime Nixon campaign financial aid, was killed in his San Francisco home in May 1991. According to Riconosciuto, he was also involved in moving $40,000,000 to the Iranians in 1991 but was not connected to PROMIS.

As director of research, Michael became involved in modifying a very valuable program named PROMIS, which the Department of Justice had stolen from a private firm, Inslaw, owned by William Hamilton and his wife. Hamilton was a former NSA employee. . It was his knowledge of this matter that was to ruin his life and cause many to attack his credibility. PROMIS is a database that includes a sort-of Rosetta stone of computer languages. It could pull and integrate data from any number of languages. Its only limitation is that it is a software package that must exist at the facilities of the target. At first it was to be used by prosecutors to manage their caseloads. But it soon was used to monitor and manage banking transactions. It can tract electronic information of any kind, including troop movements.

In 1982, Dr. Earl Brian, a close friend of Ed Meese and Ronald Reagan, acted on behalf of the Justice Department and agreed to lease William Hamiltons PROMIS software for $10 million over three years. It was initially a very sophisticated database that prosecutors could use to keep track of cases. Reagan=s Attorney Generals ,William French Smith and Ed Meese, wanted it to fight domestic crime, but it was soon put to other uses. Using information provided by a high government official, the Hamiltons eventually concluded that the Justice Department stole the software initially at the behest of the Army and Navy Hamilton’s basic mistake was probably not selling the firm to a friend of Meese. But he refused and was told " We have ways of making you sell." Soon Justice Department and Hamilton later disagreed over what services were to be provided. Justice stopped payments and seized the program, forcing Hamilton's Inslaw Corporation into bankruptcy. Meese became attorney General in 1985 after much of the damage was done. PROMIS was soon made available to the Israelis and Wackenhut Corporation, which sent PROMIS to its computer laboratories on the Cabazon Indian Nation=s Reservation in Indio, California, where weapons and ammunition was also being manufactured for the Contras. Using some information provided by the Israelis, CIA computer wizard Michael Riconciuto improved the program at Ido, Silver Springs, Maryland, and Miami, Florida. .

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http://pdr.autono.net/VirginiaMcCullough.html

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH interview
1991

Fred Alvarez, the deputy tribal chief of the Cabazon Indian tribe, found out that the monetary proceeds from the Bingo Palace (set up on his tribe’s reservation presumably to reward the tribe for permitting the Wackenhut Security Corporation to use the reservation for weapons and biochemical warfare development) were being laundered and used to finance the Contras in Nicaragua.

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: …. Alvarez realized that the Indians were receiving no money, and in fact, the money was being fairly evenly split between [members of] a partnership called the Bingo Palace Inc. As a result of his investigation, there was anger and outrage by the Nichols family and by those Indians on the reservation who supported them. Fred experienced death threats. He experienced sabotage to his motorcycle. He experienced terrorism, and finally he gave a series of interviews to the Desert Sun which was a newspaper in the general area. And at the time, he said, "As I give you these interviews, I’m a dead man."

Shortly thereafter, he and two other men, who just happened to be in his home at the time, were executed. There was evidence that Fred had been tortured. And they were shot, execution style.

Now, there was no autopsy done or [investigation] allowed of the scene. Shortly after that, the house in which the murders took place was razed to the ground. Linda Streeter Dukic, who is Fred Alvarez’s sister, and his parents, Phyllis and Leroy Alvarez, succeeded in reopening the investigation briefly. In 1985, Governor Dukemejian of California ordered the attorney-general’s office to look into it.

But something happened at that time that was very strange, because just shortly after they reopened the investigation, they immediately closed it. We now know that there was a key suspect in the contract murders of those three individuals. But no indictment was brought down. In fact, it’s my belief that a cover-up took place at the state level.

PAUL DeRIENZO: Do you know the name of the person who was the suspect?

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Well, I have a three-page letter, that was written June 26, 1991, that names the suspect. And I’ll quote from the letter. You can imagine our shock when the investigators from the attorney- general’s office informed us that the boyfriend was, in fact, John Paul Nichols Jr., the key suspect.

PAUL DeRIENZO: That’s the son of John P. Nichols, who at one time was the administrator of the Cabazon Indian reservation.

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Yes, and who still holds tremendous power there. Just recently— I think, in order to justify the distribution of funds—the senior Mr. Nichols has been named counselor to the Indians down there on the Cabazon reservation.

PAUL DeRIENZO: Tell us a little bit about the Cabazon Indians. Where is this reservation located?

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: The reservation is located near Indio, California, which is just outside of Palm Springs. And the reservation itself is a reservation of large acreage. It has some seventeen hundred acres in the desert. It has the usual water and mineral rights on the reservation. But the membership of the tribe itself is very low: twenty-four members at the time that the Nichols took over, around 1978. And there were some changes in Indian land law that took place at the Congressional level in 1978 that allowed white managers to come in over the tribes and manage the affairs of the reservations—to actually broker the assets of the reservations, and to enter into contracts with other entities.

As part of the senior Mr. Nichols management of the Indian reservation, numerous joint ventures were entered into between the Nichols family, operating for the Cabazons, and the Wackenhut Security Corporation out of Coral Gables, Florida. The Wackenhut Security Corporation has heavy CIA ties, and also has ties directly to the White House.

PAUL DeRIENZO: Describe some of the projects that were entertained on the Cabazon reservation. Now, I hear that there was, besides the bingo parlors, off-track betting, a housing project called Indian Village Housing that was going to bring in luxury housing for whites on reservation land, and the construction, also, of a toxic waste dump, a power plant that, because of the status of the reservation, would not be covered by EPA regulations.

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: There was all of that and much more. There were arms produced and manufactured and proposed through a company called the Cabazon Arms Corporation which, again, was Wackenhut and the Cabazon Security Corporation. And that arms corporation had demonstrations of night-vision goggles, and chemical warfare weapons, and machine guns during the time that these items would be necessary to supply to the Contras.

Many of the people who were instrumental in, and operatives in, the Iran/Contra [conspiracy] appeared on a range just outside of the reservation to view the weapons, in the early 1980’s. They also had a Cabazon Trading Company which dealt largely with tobacco and coffee imports. They had a Cabazon Gas & Oil Corporation that dealt with research connected directly to Hercules Research Corporation in Hercules, California, which was partially owned by Michael Riconosciuto. Michael Riconosciuto is a CIA operative who was trying to leave "the company" [the CIA’s nickname], and who has given a declaration [affidavit] in the Inslaw bankruptcy.

PAUL DeRIENZO: We played a tape of an interview, that was done at a Pacifica station in Los Angeles, with Michael Riconosciuto who is now in jail. And we spoke with Harry Martin earlier a bit about Michael Riconosciuto. He was involved with the Inslaw case in that he gave testimony shortly before he was arrested that he was involved in rewriting this software for intelligence purposes on the Cabazon reservation, and that he was also involved in selling this software to various intelligence agencies around the world—this software that belongs to the Inslaw Company which Inslaw and bankruptcy judges maintain was taken illegally from Inslaw by the Justice Department.

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Yes. In fact, I think the words were, "stolen by trickery, fraud and deceit" from Inslaw Corporation. That’s the PROMIS software. And it’s ostensibly in use, as we speak, within the United States Justice Department, but also in the intelligence communities of Canada, Austria, Australia, India, Iraq, Iran and parts of Saudi Arabia.

PAUL DeRIENZO: Now, what is the connection between the Inslaw case, the Cabazon tribe, and Mr. Riconosciuto?

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: The declaration that Michael Riconosciuto presented, in the Inslaw case on March 21, 1991, was absolutely devastating because he alleged that Dr. Earl Brian, who owns UPI [United Press International] and FNN [Financial News Network], actually took the software through an operative by the name of Peter Videnieks, who was the Government auditor for the Inslaw contract with the Justice Department. Mr. Videnieks obtained the software, gave it to Dr. Earl Brian, and Dr. Earl Brian presented it to Michael Riconosciuto with instructions that it be altered or adapted for use by the Canadian and other intelligence communities. Michael complied and did as he was told, and he did, in fact, alter that software. And he named the locations where the work took place in the declaration of March 21st.

But in addition to that, he also went into great detail about the threats that had been made against him by Peter Videnieks who was the Justice Department employee. And, in effect, what Mr. Videnieks told Michael Riconosciuto, according to the declaration, was that he would be subject to prosecution in a case that had yet to be announced by the Justice Department—a case involving a Mr. Robert Ferrante and Consolidated Savings & Loan of Southern California—if he continued to cooperate with the Inslaw people in testifying before Congressman Jack Brooks’s House Judiciary Committee.

PAUL DeRIENZO: And he was, in fact, arrested.

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Eight days later. He was arrested and he was held on one count of conspiracy to distribute methamphetamines. He is being held at Pearce County Jail in the state of Washington.

Earl Brian was detailed at length by a reporter for the Financial Post by the name of Eric Reguly on August 19, 1991. Now, Mr. Reguly had received the same death threats as the slain reporter Danny Casolaro when he started looking into Mr. Earl Brian. And anyone who has researched Earl Brian’s early life is left with many, many questions about everything from whether the man is truly a doctor (he did not finish his internship at Stanford; he left a quarter short of [finishing] his internship at Stanford University) to exactly what role he played in the Vietnam War that would result in all of the many medals which the United States Government claims he received in the two years he served there as a physician.

Mr. Reguly’s article was entitled: "Questions Grow as Big Daddy Watches His Empire Crumble". Big Daddy is the nickname for Dr. Earl Brian. And he had an extensive financial network, from a company called Biotech Capital Corporation—where Mrs. Edwin Meese had invested—to the Financial News Network, where he was accused of cooking the books by his own auditors. In addition to that, this article goes into great detail about Dr. Earl Brian’s links to the US and Israeli intelligence communities. Many people have testified in the article that Dr. Earl Brian’s nickname in the intelligence community was "Cash". And that would tie directly into what Michael Riconosciuto is alleging: that both he and Earl Brian, together, arranged for the transfer of forty million dollars for the "October Surprise" to retain the American hostages in Iran until after the presidential inauguration of Ronald Reagan.

PAUL DeRIENZO: Could you just cite that article for us one more time?

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Certainly; August 19, 1991, in the Financial Post, by Eric Reguly. Eric Reguly is the bureau chief for the Financial Post which is Canada’s equivalent of the Financial Times. Now, anyone who has been following the story of the deaths that have occurred since Michael Riconosciuto began talking on March 21st, might be aware of the fact that one of Mr. Reguly’s compatriots—a man by the name of Anson Ng, who was a stringer for the Financial Times— was executed in Guatemala as he began investigating the links between the Cabazon Indian reservation and the execution of Fred Alvarez, BCCI [the Bank of Credit & Commerce International, the CIA’s money laundromat] and the Bank of America.

PAUL DeRIENZO: We’re speaking with Virginia McCullough, free-lance reporter, here on WBAI. We’re in the middle of a pledge marathon, and we’re discussing the Inslaw case and its connection to BCCI and "October Surprise", and a whole list of activities that seem to be so intertwined and folding back in all different directions as to make one believe that the theory of an "Octopus" was true—that maybe Danny Casolaro was getting close to something when he was killed looking for the last link in the chain, the conspiracy, which he called the "Octopus".

It’s just about 2:30 here in New York. And we need some volunteers to come and help us answer phones for our pledge marathon.

How does this tie in? I’ve heard it said that these people who were being named as involved in the "October Surprise", the situation on the Cabazon reservation, the Iran-Contra affair, and how that relates to this conspiracy that seems to be developing with a lot of connections—these are not the real CIA These are people who seem to be working on the outside of the CIA itself —people who seem to be associates of Edwin Meese, associates of Ronald Reagan—people who seem to be using their positions that they had, being associates of people in power, to enrich themselves. Is this, in fact, the case? Or are there any connections to what we would call the real CIA?

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Well, it’s my understanding, from talking to a lot of the people who have come forward to me lately, that there is a war within the CIA itself. There are two warring factions. There is a faction they call "B.B.", the Bush Boys, and a faction of (I guess you could identify them as a faction of) old world CIA intelligence men. Those men usually come under the heading of the Naval Intelligence Group. And the Naval Intelligence Group is of the opinion that the CIA has been prostituted by the Bush Boys for personal benefit and for directing the political philosophy of the United States under both Reagan and Bush.

There have been several mysterious plane crashes, that, as you might be aware, have had many CIA operatives on them. The most famous of them, of course, was the Lockerbie [Scotland], [Pan Am] 103 crash. And this war seems to have gone on for quite some time.

Possibly as far back as the early Reagan years. Maybe as far back as the Nixon years. Certainly, Michael Riconosciuto’s family and the family of friends—the W. Patrick Moriarty group—were long-time exparte kitchen cabinet members of the Nixon Administration. When Michael was first arrested on March 28th, I had been in touch with Bill Hamilton at this time, since November when Bill first started hearing from Michael. And Bill had phoned me (Bill Hamilton is the owner of Inslaw) and asked me if I knew or was aware of Michael Riconosciuto. And I had been because here in California in 1984 and 1985 there had been a scandal where the "safe and sane" fireworks king, W. Patrick Moriarty, had been arrested and put in jail for bribing government officials from the Governor on down to the Speaker of the House, Willie Brown. And at that time, we did research into Mr. Moriarty and his "safe and sane" fireworks kingdom which was Red Devil Fireworks and Pyrotronics, and was also connected to the Bank of Irvine. And we found out that his long-time personal friend and operative was a man named Marshall Riconosciuto. We also found out that when we wanted to investigate Marshall’s son Michael, we came up against a stone wall. There was no available information other than we could determine; that he was a child prodigy and was an expert in both explosives and in computer hardware and software. It seemed as though he had no previous life. And after I started talking to Michael after he was jailed in April—on a fairly regular basis, sometimes two or three times a day—the information, that he has given me and had FAXed to me from third parties, checks out. And I believe that he is exactly what he says he is. He’s a C.I.A. operative who wants to leave "the Company" and go home to mama and the kids. And the Government is going to make sure he doesn’t do that.

PAUL DeRIENZO: The idea of an "Octopus" or a "Secret Team"; on the one had, it matches. On the other hand, the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s approach…. If we remember, back in 1987 it came out that Oliver North, in his role as organizer of "the Enterprise", which was doing the Iran-Contra drugs for arms pipeline, had also made some contacts with the Federal Emergency Management Agency [FEMA] in the sense of dealing with [American citizens] opponents of U.S. foreign policy toward Central America in the case of a war between the United States and Nicaragua. And it came out that there were actually plans on file to sweep people up—sweep activists up—in case of a war in Central America.

Although you haven’t mentioned anything that directly connects what we’re saying to that, it seems to tie in with the enforcement arm of…. you mention companies like Wackenhut, for example, that have a long history of involvement in keeping files on people, and in tracking dissidents. The Inslaw PROMIS software itself had that purpose.

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Had that purpose, and more important, had the full capability of doing it. It is the Cadillac of software systems, if you will use that term, as far as tying directly into the Cabazon with the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s plan to arrest, jail and hold in detention camps political dissidents of all kinds.

Harry Martin has done an interesting article that appeared in his paper on the 24th [of September]. And I draw your audience’s attention to the Napa Sentinel which is Harry Martin’s paper. It seems to be at the forefront of a lot of information about all of "the Octopus’s" many tentacles. Harry did an article regarding Dr. Earl Brian and Edwin Meese, and the origin of the original mind control, behavior control systems that were used initially in California, and probably were the forerunners of the FEMA plan to jail political dissidents. And it goes so far as to surgically alter their behavior, or to alter their behavior through drugs. And in talking with Linda Dukic, who is Fred Alvarez’s sister, she informs me that virtually every Indian in the the Cabazon Indian tribe has been sent, at one time or another, to various hospitals for treatment of "drug" or "alcohol" addiction.

I find that particularly interesting because Dr. Paul Nichols is now an advisor to the Indians. And within the last ten days there was a White gentleman who had been a longtime employee of the Bingo Palace, there on the Cabazon reservation, and who refused to go to Dr. Nichols for treatment. As a consequence, he was fired from the Bingo Palace. The Nichols family, acting in total disregard for the Indians’ (with whom this White gentleman was sharing a home) wishes, placed eviction notices on the doors of all of the "Cabazon dissidents". That’s what they call the Indians who want the Nichols family out of control of that reservation.

The Nichols family can be traced in the old hardback edition of INSIDE JOB by Stephen Pizzo and Mary Fricker [and Paul Muolo]. And in that book, which traces the history of the failing Savings & Loans (It’s considered a bible of what has happened with the Savings & Loans.) … in that book, Dr. Nichols identifies himself as a C.I.A operative involved in the assassination of [democratically elected President of Chile] Allende and the attempted assassination of [Cuban Premier] Castro.

PAUL DeRIENZO: So he has a long history in intelligence matters as an operative in the intelligence community.

VRGINIA McCULLOUGH: A very long history. And if I were an American taxpayer, which I am, I would be very outraged at the amount of grants that the Nichols family, with known Mob connections, is able to obtain and go through. Then, when the grant money runs out, they simply bankrupt the DBA, the company they’re doing business as on the Cabazon reservation. In that manner, they burn the creditors, and they go on to a new DBA and obtain more grant money.

PAUL DeRIENZO: Where is this investigation heading? Will there ever be actual indictments and jailings of the people involved in some of these criminal activities? Or does the fact that the Government in the Justice Department was the entity that was cited for having stolen the PROMIS software "through trickery, fraud and deceit" in the first place preempt any attempt at getting justice regarding this matter?

VIRGINIA McCULLOUGH: Well, I think what has to happen is exactly what Danny Casolaro intended to happen. And that is to understandably tie all of these events together because they are, in fact, all linked. And only under those conditions—and if our Congress and our Senators regain their intestinal fortitude to do their job (and I don’t mean just make themselves pay raises, but actually monitor what’s going on within the judiciary and within the executive branches of government, as they are supposed to to maintain our balance of power), maybe then the citizens can rely upon obtaining some answers.

It seems that only when a Congressman or a Senator is directly attacked is that Senator or Congressman able to pursue, for whatever reason, a proper investigation of what’s going on. I’ll give you an example. We have a Congressman by the name of George Miller here in California. He’s out of the Martinez area. And the Wackenhut Corporation has been maintaining secret files on reporters around the United States. They call them "damage-control lists". And they maintain secret files on various reporters whom they feel are getting too close to the truth, and they seek to install some form of "damage control" against those reporters. That was never investigated. But just a couple of weeks ago, George Miller found that the Wackenhut Security Corporation had a file on Congressman George Miller because of his involvement in trying to maintain some environmental controls over the Alaska Pipeline Service Corporation. And now, finally, the House Interior and Insular Affairs Committee, last Wednesday, voted unanimously to subpoena the documents and testimony from that pipeline service company and the Wackenhut Security Corporation.